Flashlights

The New Grammars of Illiberalism

Envisioning (un)democratic futures

Philipp Baum
26.01.2026
Image placeholder The New Grammars of Illiberalism
(Fig. 1) Humanist Department at Gothenburg ©Photo: Jessica Oscarsson
From January 14 to 16, 2026, the workshop "Envisioning (un)democratic futures" at the University of Gothenburg gathered international researchers from Sweden, Italy, Germany, Great Britain, Finland, Romania, and Argentina to discuss new approaches in the study of populism, illiberalism, and authoritarianism. The event was organized by the Research School FUDEM and supported by a research grant from the Riksbankens Jubileumsfond.The contributions presented there made it clear that we must move away from simplistic notions about right-wing populist actors: Instead of a crude rejection of modernity and science, we are observing a sophisticated appropriation of progressive concepts aimed at restructuring the existing social order according to (eco-)nationalist and moral ideas.
Image placeholder The New Grammars of Illiberalism
(Fig. 2) Humanties Department at Gothenburg University ©Photo: Jessica Oscarsson

Oana Băluţă 1 provided a striking example of this "epistemic strategy" with the case of the Romanian Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR). Right-wing populism there acts by no means categorically "anti-scientific." Rather, expert knowledge is selectively interpreted and delegitimized to align it with nationalist and gendered conceptions of order. Science is not simply denied here, but labeled as "green ideology" or "gender ideology" and contrasted with a mixture of selectively interpreted scientific studies, "common sense," and religious truths.

This reinterpretation reaches a new level in the realm of gender relations, as Gwenaëlle Bauvois 2 showed using the example of the French collective "Némésis." This radical right-wing women's group presents itself as "true feminists" and uses the language of women's rights to legitimize exclusionary, anti-migration demands by marking migration as the primary threat to women.

Philipp Baum's research on the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) 3 illustrates that such strategies of reinterpretation are also effective in left-wing populism. While Sahra Wagenknecht ostensibly calls for "reasonable" and "pragmatic" politics and rejects the "moralism" of established parties—for instance regarding cooperation with the AfD—internal party dynamics reveal a deep contradiction. For example, the BSW's participation in the Thuringian government was repeatedly blamed by the party leadership for the poor performance in the 2025 federal election. This suggests that the issue is not about actual pragmatic, democratic compromises, but about portraying political opponents as "unreasonable" and "ideological." In doing so, Wagenknecht elevates herself morally above her adversaries and uses the concept of pragmatism itself as a moralizing weapon.

We are likely not heading towards an abrupt end to democratic elections, but towards the end of liberal democracy as we knew it. In this scenario, nominal democratic processes remain, but the general understanding of pillars such as "scientificity," "feminism," or "pragmatism" is increasingly being co-opted and defined by populist forces. When expert knowledge is declared "ideology" and exclusion is reinterpreted as a "feminist necessity," the grammar of the political changes fundamentally. "Envisioning" undemocratic futures therefore primarily means critically questioning the resilience of liberal values against their own rhetorical appropriation and reinterpretation.